Remarks delivered at the annual meeting of the Sarasota/Manatee
chapter of the ACLU on March 16, 2013
I come to you this afternoon from Stetson
University College of Law where I have been teaching for the last four years.
It is important to me to teach because it reminds me of the potential of the
law, our country and our constitution, and helps me to combat the biggest
enemy, which is cynicism.
Thirty years ago I was a student at New
College and I had a decision to make. On the one hand I could have gone on to
graduate school and pursued a career in academics and teaching. This seemed
like a beautiful option and I gave it strong consideration.
On the other hand, I could pursue a career
in the law. And my thinking was that I had lived a privileged existence up
until then. I believed that I had a duty to my community to represent those who
had not been given my advantages. I honestly believed in our country’s bill of
rights but also knew that there was progress that still needed to be made. I
was not naïve enough to think that I would change the world, but I was
idealistic enough to believe that I had to try.
So I went off to law school with the goal
of returning to Sarasota and Manatee counties to work for the Public Defender’s
office. In retrospect I can honestly say that I have no regrets about my career
path. I spent twenty-three years at that office and did the best that I could
for my clients and for this area. But certainly now, thirty years later, I have
to wonder if any progress was made.
My first assignment in 1985 was to
represent homeless men arrested for various offenses like loitering and
obstruction and public intoxication. We had problems in the downtown corridor,
the Police Department was under orders to arrest offenders, our jail was full
and there were no shelters available. Does any of this sound familiar? Has
Sarasota really made any progress at all ? The biggest change that I have seen
is that now, while homeless men are still arrested and fined and jailed, I am
also aware of the ever growing population of homeless women and children. And
despite the fact that I have worked for years for an agency whose mission is to
end homelessness, there is still not a single family shelter that I can refer
these families to.
In 1986, I was promoted to the felony
division and entered the front lines of the so called War on Drugs. It was in
the 1980’s and 1990’s that the Florida legislature started passing increasingly
harsh laws and building increasingly large prisons. Each year the penalties
became worse, each year our law enforcement agencies became more militarized,
each year the Department of Corrections took an ever increasing share of our
State’s budget, and each year our Courts grew increasingly hostile to the
rights of the individual citizen guaranteed by our Constitution.
For the past quarter century I have gone to
court nearly every day and seen thousands of our brothers and sisters, sons and
daughters, shipped off to Florida penitentiaries. This exodus of mostly young
men and women has decimated the heart of our community at an incalculable cost
to us all. As I speak with you this afternoon more than 100,000 of our fellow
citizens are incarcerated in the jails and penitentiaries of the State of
Florida.
And when our citizens arrive
at prison, they are not provided with treatment for their addiction, they are
not provided with education or skills for their rehabilitation, and they are
ultimately set up for failure by being releaed back to our area without the
skills to succeed, but with the stigma of their incarceration which too often
prevents any type of reentry and reintegration. As a society, what do we expect
will happen to them? This phenomenon is described all too well in this book,
FACING THE US PRISON PROBLEM
But meanwhile the grip of
addiction has grown ever tighter because there is little or no treatment
available, particularly to the indigent. Our laws remain so harsh that merely
being in possession of a single pill bottle of pain killers can result in a 25
year minimum mandatory sentence, and not only is the Department of Corrections
the largest share of our State’s budget, they have now announced that they are
well over budget for this coming year.
The other consequence of this
ongoing war on drugs is that it has necessarily become a war on our civil
liberties. When we criminalize addiction, and when we prioritize enforcement of
draconian laws, we incentivize lawless behavior by those who we entrust to protect
us—our law enforcement officers, prosecutors and judges.
The ongoing struggle in the
criminal justice system is between the rights of the individual and the power
of the government. The reason we demand a bill of rights, the reason we think
it is important to have a fair trial by an impartial jury, the reason we
appoint counsel to those who cannot afford it, is because we believe in the
dignity of each individual human and we believe in the promise that no one
should have to sacrifice their liberty to the State unless the Government can
lawfully establish beyond any reasonable doubt.
But day after day, as I go to
Court, I am given reason to doubt these promises. Too often I have witnessed
the powerless being targeted, too often I have witnessed prosecutorial
discretion being abused, and too often, despite the fact that the law may be
clearly on the side of my client, I have seen Judges ignore that law or
completely disregard it.
My poor wife has heard me complain on many
occasions, “There is No Law!” But if we cannot depend upon those charged with
enforcing our laws to follow those same laws, even when inconvenient, then it
casts doubt upon our entire justice system
As my career continued, I
began to defend the death penalty cases in this circuit. I have had the
opportunity to go around the State and train attorneys and judges. I handled my
first capital case in 1989 and I continue to work in this field to this day. This
afternoon I am here to tell you that our death penalty laws are irretrievably
broken. In saying this I want to acknowledge the pain and suffering that the
surviving victims of homicide cases suffer. One reason we need to abolish the
death penalty is to stop using that pain as political leverage, and to stop
holding out the prospects of an execution date in the future as some sort of
closure that may never occur.
But this is the reality—there is no
functional death penalty and there never can be, not as long as we understand
that as human beings, we are incapable of making this decision in any type of
fair and consistent manner, without making horrible mistakes along the way. In
Florida right now we have over 400 people on Death Row, the second highest
total in the nation. Just to have a Death Row is costing us, at a minimum, an
extra 50 million dollars a year above and beyond the cost of life imprisonment.
Florida leads the nation in exhonerations. We have had more innocent people
sentenced to death in this state then any other, and we make more mistakes then
any other.
In 2009, Maryland instituted new “reforms”
that were supposed to fix the system. Instead, the reforms made the system even
more dysfunctional and costly. It proved what we already know – the death
penalty cannot be fixed. In fact, the lead architect of the reforms, Sen.
Bobby Zirkin, reversed his opinion and voted FOR repeal, saying "We
could execute an innocent person, and that weighs on my conscience too heavily
not to cast a [yes] vote. Maryland therefore became the Sixth State in six
years to abolish capital punishment. It is time for Florida to join this
movement, and to reallocate the resources we are using on the death penalty
towards overall improvement of our criminal justice system.
Apart from abolition of the
Death Penalty, are there other solutions? Do they exist? How do we bring sanity
to our criminal justice system? And how
do we do this in an age where resources are limited?
We start by asking some
simple questions
–
What is that we
are trying to accomplish?
–
What resources do
we have?
–
How do we best
allocate those resources?
So for instance, let’s take
the issue of homelessness?
What is it that we are trying
to accomplish?
It seems to me that what we
are trying to accomplish is a safe and secure shelter for those who need one,
which would then reduce the impact of homeless citizens upon the downtown
corridor.
In Pinellas County the Sheriff told the
County Commission that they could spend millions of dollars to expand his jail,
or they could help him open a shelter that is now known as Pinellas Safe
Harbor: “The Harbor” came into being as a result of a
series of partnerships involving the Pinellas County Sheriff’s Office, the City
of St. Petersburg, Pinellas County Government and numerous homeless service
providers in Pinellas County. This group saw the need to better serve the
chronically homeless, keep them out of the county jail and the criminal justice
system, and the Harbor also operates as a portal of re-entry for inmates coming
out of jail or prison.
With drugs, it seems to me
that what we want to accomplish is to prevent addiction and provide treatment
to those who are in its grips. Over the past 40 years we have demonstrated
beyond any doubt that the criminal justice system is not getting this done. I
am not the first one to say this but it bears repeating at every juncture—we
need to treat drugs as a public health problem, not a criminal justice problem,
and shift our resources into treatment and away from incarceration.
We are not going to
accomplish this overnight, and meanwhile we are faced with our present system
of laws that has removed all discretion in sentencing from our judiciary and
placed it in the hands of prosecutors. There is a bill in the legislature this
year that could be an important first step, we call it the “safety valve” bill.
This bill is part of a movement towards
“Smart Justice.” And the proponents of Smart Justice are both liberal and
Conservative, Democrat and Republican.
But what do we do about our
civil liberties? How do we turn our rights from words on paper into power? We
do it through accountability.
This year, actually on March
18, we celebrate the 50th anniversary of perhaps the most important
of all of the United States Supreme Court decisions. An inmate in a Florida
jail, perhaps one of the most powerless people in our society, read the words
of the Sixth Amendment to the United States Constitution. And he saw these
words: In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy
the right to have the Assistance of Counsel for his defense.”
This inmate appeared in Court
and told the Judge he was too poor to afford counsel,
The COURT: replied: I am sorry, but I cannot appoint Counsel to
represent you in this case. Under the laws of the State of Florida, the only
time the Court can appoint Counsel to represent a Defendant is when that person
is charged with a capital offense. I am sorry, but I will have to deny your
request to appoint Counsel to defend you in this case.
The inmate replied: The Constitution says I am entitled to be represented
by Counsel.
From his prison cell, this inmate took up a
pencil and prepared a handwritten petition to the United States Supreme Court.
And as Robert Kennedy later said, “if Clarence Gideon had not prepared this
petition the vast machinery of American law would have gone on functioning
undisturbed. But Gideon did write that letter; the court did look into his
case; he was re-tried with the help of competent defense counsel; found not
guilty and released from prison after two years of punishment for a crime he
did not commit. And the whole course of legal history has been changed.”
The course of legal history
changed because every day, criminal defense attorneys are in the courtrooms of
our State, fighting to protect the constitutional rights that we all share.
But we need to hold the players in the
criminal justice system accountable
The last vestige is our
juries, our citizens, and our voters.
Let our legislators know that
we want a different approach, that from this point forward we want to be smart
on crime and use our resources not only to protect our communities but to strengthen and improve them.
Demand accountability from
our judiciary—ask them if they will uphold our constitution, and ask them what
that means to them.
Demand from our prosecutors
assurances that they will seek justice, not convictions, that they will be fair
in all their dealings, and that they will hold Government accountable to the
same degree they hold citizens accountable.
And finally—be engaged
citizens. Pay attention. Vote. Show up for jury duty, and when you do, hold the
Government accountable, make sure you are satisfied with their work, make sure
that the Citizen receives all of the protections that he or she is entitled to.
When we demand this type of
engagement from all the players, truly we can restore sanity to our criminal
justice system.
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